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About Henry Kissinger
Henry Alfred Kissinger (/ˈkɪsɪndʒər/; born Heinz Alfred Kissinger [haɪnts ˈalfʁɛt ˈkɪsɪŋɐ]; May 27, 1923) is an American diplomat and political scientist. He served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as United States Secretary of State in the administrations of Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. For his actions negotiating the ceasefire in Vietnam (though never realised), Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances, with two members of the committee resigning in protest. After his term, his advice has been sought by world leaders including subsequent U.S. presidents.
A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with the People's Republic of China, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War. Kissinger's Realpolitik resulted in controversial policies such as U.S. support for Pakistan, despite its genocidal actions during the Bangladesh War. He is the founder and chairman of Kissinger Associates, an international consulting firm. Kissinger has been a prolific author of books on politics and international relations with over one dozen books authored. Some scholars have ranked Kissinger as the most effective U.S. Secretary of State in the 50 years to 2015. A number of activists and human rights lawyers have sought his prosecution for alleged war crimes.
Bio from Wikipeda, the free encyclopedia. Photo by David Shankbone (David Shankbone) [CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.
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For more than twenty years after the Communist Revolution in 1949, China and most of the western world had no diplomats in each others' capitals and no direct way to communicate. Then, in July 1971, Henry Kissinger arrived secretly in Beijing on a mission which quickly led to the reopening of relations between China and the West and changed the course of post-war history.
For the past forty years, Kissinger has maintained close relations with successive generations of Chinese leaders, and has probably been more intimately connected with China at the highest level than any other western figure. This book distils his unique experience and long study of the 'Middle Kingdom', examining China's history from the classical era to the present day, and explaining why it has taken the extraordinary course that it has.
The book concentrates on the decades since 1949, presenting brilliantly drawn portraits of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and other Chinese leaders, and reproducing verbatim Kissinger's conversations with each of them. But Kissinger's eye rarely leaves the long continuum of Chinese history: he describes the essence of China's approach to diplomacy, strategy and negotiation, and the remarkable ways in which Communist-era statesmen have drawn on methods honed over millennia. At the end of the book, Kissinger reflects on these attitudes for our own era of economic interdependence and an uncertain future.
On China is written with great authority, complete accessibility and with many wider reflections on statecraft and diplomacy distilled from years of experience. At a moment when the rest of the world is thinking about China more than ever before, this timely book offers insights that no other can.
After the fall of Napoleon, European diplomats gathered in a festive Vienna with the task of restoring stability following the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire. The central figures at the Congress of Vienna were the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, Viscount Castlereagh and the Foreign Minister of Austria Klemens Wenzel von Mettern Metternich. Castlereagh was primarily concerned with maintaining balanced powers, while Metternich based his diplomacy on the idea of legitimacy—that is, establishing and working with governments that citizens accept without force. The peace they brokered lasted until the outbreak of World War I.
Through trenchant analysis of the history and forces that create stability, A World Restored gives insight into how to create long-lasting geopolitical peace-lessons that Kissinger saw as applicable to the period immediately following World War II, when he was writing this book.
But the lessons don’t stop there. Like all good insights, the book’s wisdom transcends any single political period. Kissinger’s understanding of coalitions and balance of power can be applied to personal and professional situations, such as dealing with a tyrannical boss or co-worker or formulating business or organizational tactics.
Regardless of his ideology, Henry Kissinger has had an important impact on modern politics and few would dispute his brilliance as a strategist. For anyone interested in Western history, the tactics of diplomacy, or political strategy, this volume will provide deep understanding of a pivotal time.
When Lee Kuan Yew speaks, presidents, prime ministers, diplomats, and CEOs listen. Lee, the founding father of modern Singapore and its prime minister from 1959 to 1990, has honed his wisdom during more than fifty years on the world stage. Almost single-handedly responsible for transforming Singapore into a Western-style economic success, he offers a unique perspective on the geopolitics of East and West. American presidents from Richard Nixon to Barack Obama have welcomed him to the White House; British prime ministers from Margaret Thatcher to Tony Blair have recognized his wisdom; and business leaders from Rupert Murdoch to Rex Tillerson, CEO of Exxon Mobil, have praised his accomplishments. This book gathers key insights from interviews, speeches, and Lee's voluminous published writings and presents them in an engaging question and answer format.
Lee offers his assessment of China's future, asserting, among other things, that “China will want to share this century as co-equals with the U.S.” He affirms the United States' position as the world's sole superpower but expresses dismay at the vagaries of its political system. He offers strategic advice for dealing with China and goes on to discuss India's future, Islamic terrorism, economic growth, geopolitics and globalization, and democracy. Lee does not pull his punches, offering his unvarnished opinions on multiculturalism, the welfare state, education, and the free market. This little book belongs on the reading list of every world leader.
As Henry Kissinger observes in this magisterial book, there has never been a true world order. For most of history, civilizations have defined their own concepts of order, each one envisioning its distinct principles as universally relevant. Now, as international affairs take place on a global basis, these historic concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously - yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process, or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension.
Blending historical insight with prognostication, World Order is a meditation from one of our era's most prominent diplomats on the 21st century's ultimate challenge: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historic perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology and ideological extremism.
Simon Schama in the NEW YORKER
Spanning more than three centuries, from Cardinal Richelieu to the fragility of the 'New World Order', DIPLOMACY is the now-classic history of international relations by the former Secretary of State and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. Kissinger's intimate portraits of world leaders, many from personal experience, provide the reader with a unique insight into what really goes on -- and why -- behind the closed doors of the corridors of power.
'Budding diplomats and politicians should read it as avidly as their predecessors read Machiavelli'
Douglas Hurd in the DAILY TELEGRAPH
'If you want to pay someone a compliment, give them Henry Kissinger's DIPLOMACY ... It is certainly one of the best, and most enjoyable [books] on international relations past and present ... DIPLOMACY should be read for the sheer historical sweep, the characterisations, the story-telling, the ability to look at large parts of the world as a whole'
Malcolm Rutherford in the FINANCIAL TIMES
The two major foreign policy crises in this book, one successfully negotiated, one that ended tragically, were unique in that they moved so fast that much of the work on them had to be handled by telephone.
The longer of the two sections deals in detail with the Yom Kippur War and is full of revelations, as well as great relevancy: In Kissinger's conversations with Golda Meir, Israeli Prime Minister; Simcha Dinitz, Israeli ambassador to the U.S.; Mohamed el-Zayyat, the Egyptian Foreign Minister; Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Ambassador to the U.S.; Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary General of the U.N.; and a host of others, as well as with President Nixon, many of the main elements of the current problems in the Middle East can be seen.
The section on the end of the Vietnam War is a tragic drama, as Kissinger tries to help his president and a divided nation through the final moments of a lost war. It is full of astonishing material, such as Kissinger's trying to secure the evacuation of a Marine company which, at the very last minute, is discovered to still be in Saigon as the city is about to fall, and his exchanges with Ambassador Martin in Saigon, who is reluctant to leave his embassy.
This is a book that presents perhaps the best record of the inner workings of diplomacy at the superheated pace and tension of real crisis.
Among the countless moments Kissinger recalls in White House Years are his first meeting with Nixon, his secret trip to China, the first SALT negotiations, the Jordan crisis of 1970, the India-Pakistan war of 1971, and the historic summit meetings in Moscow and Beijing in 1972.
He offers insights into the Middle East conflicts, Anwar Sadat's break with the Soviet Union, the election of Salvador Allende in Chile, issues of defense strategy, and relations with Europe and Japan. Other highlights are his relationship with Nixon, brilliant portraits of major foreign leaders, and his views on handling crises and the art of diplomacy.
Few men have wielded as much influence on American foreign policy as Henry Kissinger. White House Years, his own record, makes an invaluable and lasting contribution to the history of this crucial time.
Three of our most accomplished and deep thinkers come together to explore Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the way it is transforming human society - and what it means for us all.
An AI learned to win chess by making moves human grand masters had never conceived. Another AI discovered a new antibiotic by analysing molecular properties human scientists did not understand. Now, AI-powered jets are defeating experienced human pilots in simulated dogfights. AI is coming online in searching, streaming, medicine, education, and many other fields and, in so doing, transforming how humans are experiencing reality.
In The Age of AI, three leading thinkers have come together to consider how AI will change our relationships with knowledge, politics, and the societies in which we live. The Age of AI is an essential roadmap to our present and our future, an era unlike any that has come before.
Una profunda reflexión sobre qué motiva la armonía y el conflicto en las relaciones internacionales, por el Premio Nobel de la Paz.
«Las conclusiones de Kissinger deberían ser lectura obligada para los candidatos a las elecciones de 2016. El orden mundial depende de ello.»
The Financial Times
Henry Kissinger presenta una profunda y original reflexión sobre las causas que originan la armonía y los conflictos en los asuntos globales.
A partir de su inmensa experiencia como uno de los principales estadistas del siglo XX, asesor de presidentes, conocedor del mundo, observador y participante en los temas centrales de política internacional de último medio siglo, Kissinger expone en esta obra su visión del reto fundamental del siglo XXI: cómo construir un orden internacional compartido en un mundo con perspectivas históricas divergentes, plagado de conflictos violentos, tecnología desbocada y extremismo ideológico.
«El mejor Kissinger, con su inimitable combinación de erudición y agudeza, y el talento para unir titulares con tendencia a largo plazo; a muy largo en este caso. Abarca desde el Tratado de Westphalia a los avances en microprocesadores, desde Sun Tzu a Talleyrand, a Twitter.»
Hillary Clinton, The Washington Post
«Un magnífico ensayo sobre el desorden político internacional.»
Lluis Bassets, Babelia
«El nuevo libro de Henry Kissinger, Orden mundial, no puede ser más oportuno. Kissinger, a sus 91 años, recorre a buen paso los siglos y los continentes, y examina las alianzas y los conflictos que han definido Europa a través de los siglos, las consecuencias de la desintegración de estados como Siria o Iraq, y la relación de China con el resto de Asia y Occidente.»
Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times
«Este libro combina historia, geografía, política contemporánea y buenas dosis de pasión. Así es, pasión, ya que es un cri de coeur de un famoso escéptico, un aviso a las generaciones futuras de un anciano gran conocedor del pasado, un libro que todos los políticos deberían leer.»
John Mickletwait, The New York Times Book Review
«El libro de Kissinger es un fascinante e instructivo recorrido global por la búsqueda de la armonía. La clave del realismo en las relaciones internacionales de Kissinger, y el tema de este libro magistral, es que esa humildad es importante no solo para las personas, sino también para los países, incluido Estados Unidos.»
Walter Isaacson, Time
«Kissinger demuestra por qué sigue siendo un asesor tan respetado tanto por presidentes estadounidenses como por líderes internacionales. Orden Mundial es una guía para perplejos, un manifiesto para repensar el papel de Estados Unidos y del mundo. La visión de Kissinger podría contribuir a crear una era más tranquila que la que tenemos ahora mismo.»
Jacob Heilbrunn, The National Interest